By Moe Satt, GAN
Longread: Opinions May 2, 2024
A Muslim youth viewing AA’s chief picture on a t-shirt (Photo/Western News)
The Arakan Army (AA), established on April 10, 2009, has emerged as a significant force within Myanmar, particularly in the region of Arakan (Rakhine State). The political wing of the AA, United League of Arakan (ULA), was founded on January 21, 2016. Under the ULA's leadership, the Arakan People’s Government (APG) has been established, functioning as an administrative institution overseeing judiciary, policing, taxation, land management, information dissemination, and public health matters within its sphere of influence. With around 40,000 well-trained and armed personnel, the AA represents the largest de facto state armed force based on manpower operating within Myanmar's geographic territory.
The Arakan Army (AA), named after the region of Arakan, positions itself as a military institution dedicated to protecting all communities in the area, irrespective of race, ethnicity, or religion. However, Arakan is a region marked by significant political sensitivities, particularly concerning the rights of Muslim residents in the central and northern parts of the state. In addition to the majority Buddhist and minority Christian and Hindus populations, Arakan is home to two key Muslim communities: the Kaman Muslims and the Bengali Muslims. The Kaman community, although smaller in size, is characterized by moderate religious beliefs and closer cultural ties with the Rakhine people. In contrast, the Bengali Muslim (self-identified Rohingya) community, predominantly located in northern townships, faces more complex and challenging circumstances both within Arakan and beyond.
Since the onset of the recent armed clashes on November 13, 2023, the Arakan Army (AA) has gained control over at least 9 townships, with the potential to expand its control to more areas. Notably, the townships of Maungdaw and Buthiduang are considered strategically and politically sensitive due to their significant Muslim populations. The ULA’s administration has been mindful of the complex dynamics and potential political manipulations by the Myanmar military junta, as well as external anti-AA and anti-Arakanese Muslim diaspora and activists.
Since establishing its administration in 2019, the ULA has implemented a comprehensive strategy to address the Muslim population's concerns in the region. This strategy acknowledges the geographic division of Muslim communities, encompassing refugees in Bangladesh and those residing within Arakan. Regarding the refugee population and the question of repatriation, the ULA/AA spokesperson stated on September 19, 2022:
“Some people consider the ULA has a responsibility for the resolution of the Rohingya crisis. If it is to be so, there shall be two things. First, the international community and Bangladesh should recognize the ULA/AA as the main stakeholder in the resolution of this crisis. Secondly, Bangladesh and other Great Powers, including the United Nations, should give full support and stand together with us."
Regarding the refugee repatriation issue, it is quite clear that the ULA seeks international recognition, cooperation, and support. With its expanding territorial control, particularly along the border with Bangladesh, the ULA has emerged as a significant player in the region, arguably controlling more land than the Myanmar military.
AA members providing clothes for 400 Muslims on a religious day in Buthidaung (Photo/Narinjara)
In addressing the remaining Bengali Muslim community within Arakan, the ULA's approach is pragmatic and immediate. Their strategies can be categorized into three key activities:
Promoting Social Cohesion Activities: The ULA emphasizes initiatives aimed at fostering social cohesion among various communities in Arakan, including the Muslim population. This likely involves programs to bridge ethnic and religious divides and promote mutual understanding.
Inclusion in Governmental Institutions: The ULA advocates for the inclusion of Muslim communities in governmental institutions under its control. This suggests efforts to ensure representation and participation in decision-making processes.
Promoting Fair and Impartial Relations: The ULA strives to maintain fair and impartial relations with all communities within its territory, including Muslims. This likely involves ensuring equitable treatment, access to services, and protection of rights for all residents regardless of background.
These activities reflect the ULA's efforts to consolidate governance and social stability within the areas under its control, while also positioning itself as a responsible actor seeking broader recognition and support on the international stage.
For the promotion of social cohesion among the diverse communities in the region, the ULA initiated several events and activities. A ‘friendly football match’ initiated by the ULA was held from December 19, 2021, to January 1, 2022, during which 14 Muslim teams, 2 Mro teams, 1 Khamei team and 43 Rakhine teams were present. The atmosphere of the football match was a radical break from its past tragic communal violence, and it can only be installed under the leadership and emergence of the ULA, an impartial, neutral, and effective authority in the region.
Muslim Football Players (Photo/Western News)
A Muslim community leader during the event said,
“I believe that the ULA-initiated football event will be able to promote social cohesion among the different communities as the key essence of the match.” In addition, he also noted the ULA’s administration, he pointed out,
Muslim, Rakhine and minority group football players (Photo/Western News)
“The ULA let us form the ‘Muslim Affairs Association’ and make no intervention at all. We can solve our issues by ourselves. If tension arises among us, the ULA authority facilitates it. We are comfortable with their governance.”
Football match (Photo/Western News)
Beyond the football match and social cohesion activities, the inclusive governance promoted by the ULA authorities is also well-noted. On June 25, 2022, in a report presented about community relations in Arakan, the Chairperson of the Minbya Township Islamic Religious Affairs Council, U Sein Min, pointed out,
“There is no discrimination among us now. I can see a high degree of improvement in terms of trust and harmony among our communities. I am now 73 years old. I am in full support of what the ULA authorities are doing, and these measures are also in line with our moral and religious values.”
Observers have noted an acceptable level of inclusion of the Muslim community within the United League of Arakan (ULA) administration. According to ULA policy, Muslim residents in villages are allowed to serve as village administrators, demonstrating a form of local governance representation. Additionally, there is a practice of 'power delegation' to the respective township's Muslim religious bodies, which suggests a degree of autonomy and influence in religious affairs.
The ULA's approach to internal disputes within the Muslim community is generally hands-off, except in cases involving criminal activities committed by individuals. This policy indicates a stance of non-interference in community-level disagreements, potentially allowing for local self-governance and conflict-resolution mechanisms to operate independently within the Muslim population.
A very outstanding instance can also be found when the local Muslim staff from the UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) in Buthidaung township reportedly attempted to instigate communal violence by setting fire to the paddy rice straws in December 2021. Throughout the investigation of that crime, the Muslim AA soldier performed both as a questioner and investigator toward the persons involved in the crime’s invention.
A Muslim AA soldier serving his duty (Photo/AAInfoDesk)
Despite myriad attempts by these spoilers and other dishonest external actors to create a communal violence, therefore, they could not have been able to do it due to the social cohesion and inclusion of the Muslim residents in Arakan.
An improvement in the ULA administration was evident as observed by an RFA report on August 23, 2021, when the ULA announced the establishment of the police and judiciary departments in Buthidaung township. A local Muslim resident in Buthidaung named Lar Lar Myar said,
“When the [majority ethnic Bamar] were ruling [Rakhine state], our people faced discrimination and were never allowed to participate in any way, whether it be in civil service or in defence or internal affairs. And we were never allowed to take any training courses.”
He also added that a liaison office for the Muslim and AA had been established, adding that the state judiciary under the AA has “acted fairly, without discrimination on the basis of race or ethnicity.
Besides the inclusive governance created by the ULA, its fair and impartial relations with all communities in the region are also the most critical issues worthy of being mentioned. The most notable instances could be found in the case of emergency healthcare situations like COVID-19 and natural disasters such as the strike of Cyclone Mocha.
AA medical team with Muslim community leaders during theCOVID-19 (Photo/AAInfoDesk)
The effective relations of the ULA authority with the concerned Muslim community become more evident during its responses to the pre-and post-cyclone Mocha strike on May 14, 2023. The ULA authority began preparations and disaster warning on May 7 and as of May 13, around 102,000 people mainly from Rakhine and Muslim communities in Pauktaw, Minbya, Myebone and Ponnagyun townships had been relocated into safer locations.
AA soldiers rescuing the Muslim residents before the cyclone strike (Photo/AAInfoDesk)
During the rescue time, the ULA also provided safe shelter, enough food, medication, and security for the Muslim community members.
After the cyclone strike, the ULA/AA team and members actively participated in providing healthcare, food, and reconstruction of the damaged and destroyed houses regardless of race, ethnicity and religion.
AA soldiers providing food to the Muslim residents (Photo/AAInfoDesk)
Due to the aforementioned three policy approaches—improving social cohesion, promoting inclusive governance, and ensuring equal treatment—the inter-community relations between Rakhine, Muslims, and other minority groups in Arakan have significantly improved to an unprecedented degree since the communal violence of 2012. These efforts by the ULA authority have fostered greater cooperation, dialogue, and understanding among diverse ethnic and religious communities within Arakan.
From Challenges to Opportunities
The current challenges between the ULA leadership and the concerned Muslim community are rooted in the Myanmar military junta's tactics of recruiting Muslim youths as proxy soldiers for profit and political gain. The junta seeks to exploit communal tensions by instigating violence and creating distrust between the ULA/AA and the Muslim residents in the region.
There is substantial evidence of collaboration between the junta and Muslim extremist armed groups like the Arakan Rohingya Army (ARA) and Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) in attacks against the AA. The junta has been implicated in recruiting and deploying Muslim youths as soldiers to frontline areas, inciting racial hatred sentiments through its officers, and targeting Rakhine houses and properties for destruction while killing Rakhine ethnic individuals.
A Muslim woman receiving medication (Photo/AAInfoDesk)
Additionally, the junta has also reportedly backed the anti-AA arbitrary demonstrations by Muslim residents in Sittwe and Buthidaung, further exacerbating tensions and undermining stability in the region. These actions reflect a deliberate strategy by the military regime to manipulate ethnic and religious divisions to serve its own interests, leading to heightened distrust and conflict within Arakan.
21 died and 30 injured due to the junta airstrikes over Thadar (Muslim) village, Minbya township, March 19, 2023 (Photo/AAInfoDesk)
These incidents highlight the Myanmar military junta's efforts to prolong its hold on power by creating greater suffering and danger for the residents of Arakan. Despite the efforts of the ULA’s authority to pursue a better future for all communities in the region, the brutal regime of the junta remains a serious threat to the interests and well-being of all people in Arakan. Even if the ULA/AA is initially built by the majority Arakanese leadership, its substantive policy and actions reflect not just the interests of the Rakhine ethnic group but also that of the Bengali Muslims and other minority groups in the region. In the future, along with the increasing peace and stability, it is hoped that meaningful participation from other communities will be increased constantly.
Muslim community leaders and international supporters must recognize the complexities of the situation, which could escalate in unpredictable and negative ways. Regardless of how the crisis unfolds in the coming days, the ULA will remain the primary authority addressing the challenges posed by the junta and extremist factions within the Muslim community.
The international community must provide strong support to the ULA if it aims to witness a more stable, sustainable, and inclusive future for Arakan. This backing is essential in countering the oppressive tactics of the junta and extremist elements, paving the way for lasting peace and security in the region.
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